The Lords



I: Origins to Herveus I (1025–1078)


At the confluence of Ocre creek with the newly joined “rivers” of the Remarde and the Voise, twenty kilometers northeast across the plain of the Beauce from Chartres, the small town of Gallardon occupies a naturally defensible spur of land dominating its valley, similar to that at Épernon or, on a larger scale, Chartres itself. Though not located on any major road,[1] the site of the town strategically controls a topographically complex landscape of small valleys—“au centre de quatorze collines qui encaissent sept vallons fertiles,” in Lucien Merlet’s happy phrase.[2] Chartres and Épernon having completely lost the dominant presence of the secular châteaux of their former Lords, Gallardon shares with (much larger) Étampes the claim of having the most dramatic, picturesque, and paradigmatic castle–church skyline in the region.

The late Professor Guy Vilette, an erudite local scholar whose work on the etymology of the place–names of the Eure–et–Loir has yet to receive the recognition (or publication) which it is due, offered this perceptive description of the site:

“The Voise, born at Voise, in the plain of the Beauce, receives successively on the right the Aunay at Aunay–sous–Auneau, the Remarde under the hill of Montlouet, then the creeks Ocre (at Gallardon and Ecrosnes) and Gas, before joining the Eure in the parc of Maintenon, a course of about 30 kilometers. Thus the Ocre, making a right angle, surrounds Gallardon on two sides (east and south) while to the south also pass both the canalized and the natural Voise, at Pont–sous–Gallardon—whose name does not designate a pont, but ‘un morceau de bonne chaussée’ (the Latin pons, in the archaic sense, having taken over this usage from the Gaulish ‘ritos,’ the ‘roi’ of le Gué–de–Longroi). Thus the site is a “cap barré,” a possible oppidum of moderate height, enclosed by the valleys of the Ocre and Voise, open only on the north where a place called La Barre perhaps marked the defense of this side. It is not to survey and defend an important navigable river, as with Autricum, Gaulish Chartres, which guarded the Eure. Rather, it was what Albert Grenier has called an ‘oppidum de rivière,’ an easy refuge behind a barrier of running water; Gallardon never constituted more than the defense of a small valley.”[3]

The genealogy of the early lords of Gallardon as it presently exists in the scholarly literature is difficult to reconstruct and, indeed, little more than a hodgepodge of confidently expressed—but for the most part unsupported—suppositions, a house of cards made up of a century’s scholarly inference and incestuous acceptance hopelessly founded on a far too pecunious document base.

The modern genealogical history of the dominant family of Gallardon begins with Lucien Merlet who, because of his training at the newly created École des Chartes and his position as archiviste of the Eure–et–Loir, was able to begin the task of fully and systematically exploiting the mass of (then unpublished) documentary material which had survived. Indefatigable archiviste and editor though he was, the elder Merlet’s work is marred by several careless errors, by some apparently deliberate omissions, and by an almost perverse refusal to fully cite many documentary sources. His first attempt[4] was soon corrected by himself[5] and then extended;[6] and finally somewhat hesitantly corrected by his son, René, his successor as departmental archiviste.[7]

A few years later, Joseph Depoin brought considerable erudition and a remarkable insight to bear, and—most important—expanded the document–base with his own editions from the fonds of Saint–Martin–des–Champs and Saint Martin of Pontoise, as well as his extensive use of the innumerable unpublished early modern copies of medieval charters in the Bibliothéque Nationale. Though Depoin’s prolific work on the families of the region around Paris remains, a century later, the natural starting point for all further research, his efforts were marred by more than a few careless errors—in part caused by a very rapid method of working (he was a stenographer by profession)—and, above all, by the awkward and nearly impenetrable format in which his work appeared.[8]

For the later generations of the family, Albert Sidoisne added the perspectives of a close reading of the documents from the important abbey of Saint Florentin at Bonneval (between Chartres and Châteaudun), which enjoyed the patronage of the Gallardons from at least the late eleventh century.[9] The following reconstruction of the genealogy is based primarily upon the work of Merlet and Depoin, incorporating the corrections and additions by Sidoisne, where appropriate, together with our own research and particular readings of the documents.




The historical horizon at Gallardon is relatively easy to define. The earliest appearance of the place in the historical record is found in several letters of Bishop Fulbert of Chartres to Abbot Odilo of Cluny, King Robert, and Queen Constance, probably written in early 1025.[10] In these letters the Bishop strenuously pleads for aid against a “malefactor,” Viscount Godfrey of Châteaudun, who had “rebuilt” the “fortress of Gallardon” which the king had previously destroyed, and built another at Illiers, “among the estates of St. Mary [of Chartres].”[11] The clear implication is that the source of Fulbert’s agitation and concern was the imminent likelihood of Viscount Godfrey using these “hell–inspired devices”[12] for a more systematic (as opposed to casual and sporadic) brigandage and looting of the lands of St. Mary in the neighborhood. In response Fulbert had excommunicated the Viscount, instructed the clergy in his diocese to begin a sort of “industrial work–to–rule,”[13] threatened to place the diocese under interdict and “against our will to go somewhere into exile... and to confthat the source of Fulbert’s aggitation and concern was the imminent likelihood of Viscount Godfrey using these “hell–inspired devices”[1] for a more systematic (as opposed to casual and sporadic) brigandage and looting of the lands of St. Mary in the neighborhood. In response Fulbert had excommunicated the Viscount, instructed the clergy in his diocese to begin a sort of “industrial work–to–rule,”[1] threatened to place the diocese under interdict and “against our will to go somewhere into exile... and to confated. However, the appearance of both Bishop Fulbert and Viscount Godfrey in the royal court at Paris in 1028 suggests at the least a reconciliation (!) between these two and a peaceful transition of power at Gallardon. It is perhaps no accident that this occasion—at the King’s court—is also the first appearance of Albertus de uualardone, the first known personage to hold this toponymic.[15] Sometime later, Albertus de Gualardone witnessed, in the court of Bishop Theoderic of Chartres (1029–48), a concordia settling a dispute with St. Peter.[16] Though he is mentioned in documents a century and more later as “Lord of Gallardon” and founder of the church there,[17] these are the only two contemporary appearances of this “Albert of Gallardon,” and his origins are not directly deducible from the sources.

To fill this lacuna, Joseph Depoin suggested that Albert was a member of a powerful family, the “Le Riche of Paris,” through his father’s marriage to a daughter of Albert I, le Riche, himself a descendant of Carolingian kings.[18] This interesting supposition may indeed be true, but it must be seen to rest upon several unsubstantiatable assumptions and, perhaps, upon at least one demonstrable error of document interpretation.[19]

More useful was Depoin’s identification of “Albert of Gallardon” with a certain “Albert, son of Ribald” who appears in at least two royal charters as well as in a number of documents from St. Peter’s of Chartres.[20] This Albert was a fidelis of the King who held important property in the northwest corner of the diocese of Chartres—at Dreux, Brezolles and, in the Perche, at Armentières. His father is said to have built a stone church at Brezolles—an apparently extraordinary occurrence for the period and region—and we believe he was probably the “Ribald of Dreux,” Ribald Drocacensis, who signed, before Albertus de Walardone, the royal charter for Coulombs in 1028[21] (see *4 Ribald, below). No surviving document conclusively identifies these two Alberts (“of Gallardon” and “Ribaldi”), but Depoin’s confident advocacy of the identification and his perceptive and persuasive reconstruction of both the origins of Albert and of the manner by which the Lordship of the place was passed on after him seems to have received universal—albeit usually quite uncritical—scholarly acceptance in our own time.[22]

Albert appears to have been without direct male heirs and the path of transmission of the Lordship (if it was such) of Gallardon to the next generation is not entirely clear. He seems to have had a sister (*14. Frodolina, below) who married Gasco of Châteauneuf–en–Thimerais, and whose son, Hugo, is spoken of as Albert’s heir.[23]

Depoin, in another brilliant flash of insight (which might also well be true), postulated a daughter (or sister) of Albert who married a “knight of Gallardon” named Herbert, who was believed to have been Albert’s successor there.[24] Unfortunately this hypothetical daughter/sister of Albert is herself not documentable as such, Herbertus miles de Galardone castro only appears in a single document from the diocese,[25] and it is equally uncertain that he was ever “dominus” of the place (though the sobriquet miles at this period could imply more than simple “knight”). Mention of Herbert’s mother, Rotrudis, in this document lead Depoin to conclude that she was the Reitrudis, known from other sources—extraneous to the region—to have been the wife of Ansold le riche of Paris, Ansoldus divitis Parisiacæ, a member of another branch of this important family, presumably related (somehow) to the branch into which Ribald (of Dreux?), father of Albert of Gallardon, married (*3. Rotrud below).[26]

From this single document mentioning Herbert and his mother Rotrud we also learn that she was, possibly, from the Dunois, perhaps from the house of the Viscounts of Châteaudun itself.[27] Depoin’s imaginative genealogical reconstruction thus would seem to strengthen a theory of continued (if not continuous) influence of these Viscounts at Gallardon, first put forward by the archiviste of the département, Lucien Merlet;[28] then echoed by the editors of the Épernon documents, Auguste Moutié and Adolphe de Dion, in 1878;[29] and continued by Lucien’s son and successor as archiviste, René.[30] These assertions (made without cited evidence) notwithstanding, there appears to be no documentary foundation for any connection between the Lords of Gallardon and the Viscounts of Châteaudun from the time of Bishop Fulbert (d. 1028) to the end of the twelfth century, when there was a marriage between the two families.

From the single surviving document in which he unquestionably appears we also learn that this Herbertus miles de Galardone castro had at least two sons, Herveus and Fulcher, and a single daughter, Guiburgis.[31] However, another document has survived which concerns a vassal of Albert (presumably son of Ribald/of Gallardon) named Herbert, who is said to have sons named Herveus and Hugo, and a wife named Hildeburgis.[32] From other sources we know that Gallardon was in the hands of a certain Herveus[33] from at least 1078, who had a brother named Hugo, and a daughter named Hildeburgis,[34] i.e., named after his mother, assuming that he was the son of Herbert. This circumstantial evidence from the family naming–patterns substantially buttresses the proposed identification of the miles Herbert as the successor of Albert through his marriage with Albert’s daughter. The state of the documents do not allow for a more secure identification, however, and it is very curious that the name Herbert does not appear in any subsequent generation of the family[35] (and “Albert” only once, in a younger son, circa 1200).

Whether or not this Herbert, miles, was ever dominus of Gallardon, with the Herveus of Gallardon (his son?) who witnessed a charter of King Philip I in 1078,[36] we emerge from the twilight world of a few scattered documents preserved despite nine hundred years of happenstance and chaos and arrive at a true dawn of historical illumination; for this Herveus is a figure known from several other documents,[37] whose tomb was visible in the abbey of Bonneval until its destruction at the end of the 18th century,[38] and whose wife, siblings, and progeny are known and documentable.[39]

Standing against our reconstruction of Herveus as a son of Herbert, however, is a papal Bull of 1144—and its copy in 1207—which purports to inform us that Herveus was the son of Albert.[40] While this may have been true, it is not otherwise verifiable and we believe that it more likely—strange as it may seem—that these later documents reflect local (oral) tradition at that time, i.e., three or more generations after the fact.[41]

In any event, by the early twelfth century the successors of Herveus I at Gallardon possessed (to judge by their alienations) fiefs controlling the marshy valley of the Aunay/Voise—a strategic barrier between the lands of the Counts of Blois/Chartres and the Royal Domain—at least as far as the castellum of Auneau (perhaps in the hands of a collateral branch of the family), and east to Ablis; to the West, at Oisème, within 5km of Chartres; and beyond the Eure as far as Chartrainvilliers and Challet.[42]


[ADD to MAIN INTRO:] The end of the 11th and the first quarter of the 12th century mark an exponential increase in the quantity and quality of the documentary sources which throw light on the history of this family (as well as many others). Not only are the documents themselves more numerous and more likely to have survived, but the newly acquired priories of the older institutions (Bonneval, MM, the reformed St. John of Chartres) and—above all—the new foundations of Josaphat, Tiron, Vaux de Cernay, etc., generated a potentially vast new source for document creation. As a consequence, we are very much better informed—quantitatively and qualitatively—about the members of all the noble families of the region.

Gillard, Dr. “Les Ruines du Château de Gallardon”, Congrès Archèologique, 1900, pp. 153–163.

T. de Morembert. “Gallardon” in Dict.Hist.Geo.Eccl., XIX, (1981), c. 821. “....prieuré benedictin....dont l’église dediée à Notre–Dame fut donnée en 1118 a l’abbaye de Bonneval par Geoffroy, evêque de Chartres. Un prieure–cure fut etabli la sous la patronage de SS. Pierre et Paul; il possedait des biens à Gallardon, Levainville, Ecrosnes, Cherville, Umpeau, Auconville et Brey....Il existe une inventaire des titres établi en 1740 [H1063].

—AEL, H.1063–87; Cottineau, I, 1242; Beaunier–Besse, I, 273; Ann. E&L, 1847, p.217.”

[From DTEL:] 

Baglainville: vill., cne Gallardon. Vaglainval, 1399 (ch. chapt.).

Brey: Brez, h. cne d’Umpeau. Bray, 1100 (chapt.); Breeium, c.1160 (CBL); Brayum, 1300 (polyptique de Chartres).

Champseru: con d’Auneau. Champserut, 1225 (GBL)...Champseru was the chef–lieu of a prebend of the chapter of Chartres, on which were dependent the prètières of Baglainville, Bailleu–s–G., Bréez, Champgarnier, le Coudray–près–G. The creek of Champseru takes its source near the woods of Maréchal, on the butte Marineau, between Champseru and St.–Cheron–du–Chemin, and joins the Eure at St.–Piat.

Ecrignolles: vill. cne d’Écrosnes. Scriniolæ, Scrinolæ, c. 1080 (CSP 194–5, 195–6); Scriniolæ, 1224 (CVdC ).... The fief was a vassal of Gallardon.

Gas: [79] con de Maintenon. Gaii, c. 1120; Gavisus, 1123 (CJ ); Gayz, 1184 (CSJ ); Gaiez, v. 1250 (pouillé)... The fief of Gas was a vassal of Gallardon and resorted there for justice.

Levainville: [102] con d’Auneau. Favana–Fontana, Leven–Fontana (polypt. d’Irminon, p. 81); In 1536 the parish of the “new chapel of St. Mary de Laureto at L. below the parish of Bleury” was created (ch. of the fabric of Lv.).

Bleury: [pp.18–19 lacking in xerox] Yermenonville: [194–6 missing] Ymeray

The charter and narrative sources are too scanty to allow us to reconstruct with certainty the events which led to Gasco’s marriage alliance with Albert of Gallardon’s sister (or daughter), Frodolina. One possibility is that the construction of the new “castle” at Thimert was the act of a typical “marche” Lord who was acting more or less as a free agent, allying himself with Duke William of Normandy against the King. This lead to the 1059–60 siege of Thimert and the bello quod longo tempore inter domnum Albertum et Guaszonem fuit (CSP 136–7). The siege being unsucessful and other factors comming into play* (Barlow, William I, pp. ), King Henry was at the point of negotiating a peace when he died* (4 August, 1060 according to R. Merlet, Le Moyen Age,  ). Young King Philip and his advisors indeed concluded the peace, part of which evidently allowed Gasco to retain control of Thimert (and its new castle), gave him the hand of Frodolina, the daughter (or sister) of the King’s main vassal in the region, Albert of Gallardon (son of Ribald of Dreux), and, perhaps, with the understanding that the sons of this union were to be the heirs of the otherwise childless Albert. This last concession to Gasco may have been later withdrawn by the royal party because of his renewed movement towards the Norman camp, as evidenced by his son Hugo’s bethroval to Mabille, the daughter of the Lord of Bellême.

[1]The route from Chartres to Paris passes/passed through Le Gué–de–Longroi—5km. to the east and upstream on the Voise—and Ablis.

[2]Lucien Merlet, “Gallardon et ses environs”, MSAEL, II, 1860, pp. 282–311, at p. 282.

[3] Guy Villette, Recherches concernant les noms de lieux d’Eure–et–Loir, no 29: Gallardon, (memeographed typescript; copies deposited at the Archives diocèseanes, Archives départmentales and Bibliothéque municipale, Chartres), pp. 14–15 (trans. mine), citing C. Marcel–Robillard, Chartres et la Beauce chartraine, 1929, pp. 133–4, “for a good, on–site description by a folklorist”.

For Villette (who mistakenly believed [p. 17] that the site was documented from the tenth century), establishing the origins of the etiology of the name was a complex matter: “...none of the hypothetical celtic compounds seem to be plausible: neither galardonno (“rivière gaillarée”), nor galardodunum (“colline forterèsse gaillarde”), nor gailardo–magos (“marche gaillard”). The latin –onem is a simple and probable solution, found with common name–radicals: castelli–onem > Chatillon.... The briefest reflection on the site should suffice to render most reasonable the hypothesis of a domain of a germanic owner (Walhart or Galard). The near–by typonymes also offer an essentially romano–germanic climate: YMERAY (Ismariacum, “domain of Ismar”), which, near the antique road, may have been given to a German; MONTLOUET (“mont fortifié de Hlodittus;petit Hlodo”); GERMONVAL (“val de Germond”), which may offer us, in Germond the name of the first important defender of Gallardon. Gaulish names only appear further to the south, with le BOIS DE DARVOE (derv–etum, gallo–roman, “chenaie”) and PAMPOU (“bout de l’etang”). It is improbable that the name Gallardon first designated the high–place in its natural state; but perhaps, under its dialectical form, it is one of the first—if not the first—toponymic representations of gaillard” (pp. 17–18).

I am indebted to Père Pierre Bizeau, archiviste of the Diocese of Chartres, for first bringing the work of Professor Villette—among many others—to my attention and for his many kindnesses, his patience, open–handedness, and perseverance in making available to me the resources and heritage entrusted to his care. The ancient traditions of genteel erudition at this sacred place are appropriately kept alive by this modest man.

[4] L. Merlet. “Gallardon et ses Environs,” MSAEL, II, 1860, pp. 282–312. Merlet notes that he is correcting Guillaume Doyen, Histoire de la ville de Chartres, du pays chartrain, et de la Beauce (Chartres, 1786, 2 vols.), which is unvailable to me. It is very curious that he never mentions the Albert de uualardone of the 1028 act for Coulombs (cf. n. 15 below), nor the Albert de Gualardone of CSP 160–1 (a document which he surely knew) and failed to associate the Albert, son of Ribald, of the CSP documents (and elsewhere) with Gallardon. It is tempting to ascribe this omission to an inability to incorporate Albert into the idea of a persistent Châteaudun connection with Gallardon which he favored.

[5] CND (1862–5), II, p.65, n.2, and p. 66.

[6] CT (1883) 36, n. 1.

[7] MsChart (1893), pp. 191–5.

[8] The genealogical appendices to Depoin’s edition of the documents from St. Martin of Pontoise (including one on the Gallardon family, CSMP, pp. 468ff.), rich mines of erudition though they surely are, prove to be a minefield of dense and sometimes hidden conjecture to anyone trying to reconstruct and verify a family “tree” from them.

[9] Before the second world war Albert Sidoisne retired from his post as Bibliothécaire of the École coloniale in Paris to his native town of Bonneval (between Chartres and Châteaudun), site of the ancient benedictine abbey of St. Florentin, to whose history he dedicated his remaining years. The ultimate product of his efforts is a still–unpublished Cartulaire de l’abbaye Saint Florentin de Bonneval (CBV), which is the most thorough and scholarly cartulary edition of any fonds from this region which we have seen. The manuscript itself is now in the Bibliothéque municipale of Châteaudun. We have, through the courtesy of Père Bizeau, had access to the micorofilm copy which he had made for the Archives diocèseanes in Chartres. Thanks to his efforts there are also copies in the Archives départementales and the Bibliothéque municipale, Chartres.

[10] F. Behrends, ed., The Letters and Poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ep. 98–101; and, on their dates, pp. lxxxvi–vii.

[11]Refecit enim...castellum de Galardone quod olim destruxistis; et...coepit facere alterum castellum apud Isleras....”, ibid., ep. 99. “...G[aufridus] uicecomes...castellum de Galardone a uobis [rex?] olim dirutum rursus alter edificare presumpsit apud Isleras intra uillas sanctae Mariae...ibid., ep. 100. Clearly there was a previous fortress on the site, other evidence for which has not survived.

[12]...diabolici instinctus machinas...”, ibid., ep. 100, p. 182. An analysis of an early eleventh century text contemporary with this first generation of “castle” building and written, in part, by a pupil of Bishop Fulbert is pertinent here: “The sole function of the fortresses, to judge from our document alone, was war. They were the military bases for the private wars between the various noble families, which were essentially wars of plunder.... The castle was a source of fear. It was a source of violence, not protection. The construction of a new fortress was seen not as a guarantee of security, but as a deadly threat to the established order... The castellans themselves were seen as at best trouble–makers, at worst savage beasts.... It was not till much later, when the lords of fortresses perceived that a rational management of their territories, associated with a systematic policy of settlement, was more productive than simple rapine, that peasant settlements came close to seigneurial castles....” (Pierre Bonnassie, “Descriptions of fortresses in the Book of Miracles of Sainte–Foy of Conques,” in From Slavery to Feudalism in South–Western Europe, (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 146–7. Bernard of Angers, one of the authors of the source here examined, is said to have been a pupil of Fulbert of Chartres (loc. cit., p. 132).

[13]...prodidimus, ut signa nostra, iocundatem et letitiam significare solita, ab intonando desinere et tristiam nostram attestari quodammodo iusserimus, officiumque diuinium, hactenus in ecclesia nostra per Dei gratiam cum magna cordis et oris iubilacione celebrari solitum, depressis modo miserabiliter uocibus et pene silencio proximis fieri....” Behrends, ep. 100.

[14]...oramus, ne et illud (quod absit) apud extraneum regem uel imperatorem fateri compellamur a nobis exules, noluisse uos oc. cit., p. 132).

[14] “...prodidimus, ut signa nostra, iocundatem et letitiam signi

ficare solita, ab intonando desinere et tristiam nostram attestari quodammodo iusserimus, officiumque diuinium, hactenus in ecclesia nostra per Dei gratiam cum magna cordis et oris iubilacione celebrari solitum, depressis modo miserabiliter uocibus et pene silencio proximis fieri....” Behrends, ep. 100.

[15]...oramus, ne et illud (quod absit) apud extraneum regem uel imperatorem fateri compellamur a nobis exules, noluisse uos  Diplomatique, Paris, 1762, v, pl. xcvii opposite p. 771).

[16] CSP 160–1, dating, perhaps, 1033 x 1037.

[17]…ecclesiam de Gualardone, sicut ab Alberto, ejusdem castri domino, fundata est...., from a Bull of Lucius II of 1144 (CBV 39, cf. note 40, below), repeated verbatum in a confirmation of Archdeacon Henry of Chartres, December, 1207 (CBV 130/H.609; published in part in MsChart p. 193–4). The church was a priory of Bonneval from at least 1118 (H.1067, a once–sealed original; CBV 17, edited in GC viii, instr., c. 315). Lucien Merlet’s failure to recognize Albert as a Lord of Gallardon (or to even mention him in connection with the place) implies that he either doubted the validity of the evidence from these later documents or, more likely, was unable to reconcile Albert’s position stated there with his belief that the Viscounts of Châteaudun exercised continuing influence there.

[18]CSMdP, pp. 468ff.; cf. the modifications in CBV 9. See below, *6. Albert de Gualardone for a detailed discussion of this le Riche connection.

[19] Cf. CSMdC, p. 470, n. 911, wherein Depoin has apparently mis–read a royal act concerning Bouafle (F. Lot and Ch. Lauer, Rec. des actes de Charles III, I, no 56, pp. 120–3). See below, *6. Albert de Gualardone, for a more complete discussion of this Carolingian connection.

[20] CSMdC, p. 469. See below, *6. Albert de Gualardone for a detailed discussion of Albert, son of Ribald.

[21] RHGF X, pp. 617–19; GC VIII, instr., 297; Newman 72; as in note 15 above.

[22] [Cite: Sidoisne, Lemarginier, Chédeville]

[23]....filii VVaszonis, Hugo videlicet, domni Alberti heres, et Guaszo, frater ejus...”, CSP 133–4, AEL H.400. Curiously, Orderic Vitalis—writing several generations after the fact—also calls Hugo the heir of Albert: “…Hugo de Novocastello nepos et hares Alberti Ribaldi…” (Book IV [M. Chibnall, ed., vol. II, p. 358], noted by L. Merlet, “Notices historique sur la baronnie de Châteauneuf–en–Thimerais,” Revue Nobilaire, n.s. I, 1865, [pp. 337–47; 401–8; 464–73; 506–13; 529–37;] at p. 342).

[24] LTSMdC (1905), n. 384; CSMdC (1912), n. 188.

[25] Between March 1069 and 1080 “...quidam miles, Herbertus nomine, de Galardone castro.... came to become a monk at St. Peter’s under Abbot Hubert (CSP 223–4).

[26] In Depoin’s reconstruction, Ribald, father of Albert of Gallardon, married an (undocumented) daughter of Albert I, le Riche, and Hildegburgis of Bellême (CSMP, p. 469).

[27] On her connection with Châteaudun, see *3. Reitrud, below.

[28] “...Herbert never possessed the title of lord of Gallardon: such texts as exist refuse to give this title to Herbert.... The quidam miles, Herbertus nomine, de Galardone castro of an act of circa 1075 [CSP 223–4] was a knight who lived at Gallardon; but who was the lord? No doubt the Viscount of Châteaudun, whom we see cited several times as the suzerain of Herveus, Herbert’s grandson and the first authentic lord of Gallardon” (L. Merlet, “Gallardon et ses Environs,” MSAEL, II, 1860, p. 286). We have been unable to find any documents citing a Viscount of Châteaudun as suzerain of Herveus, nor of any other Lord of Gallardon.

[29] CE, p. 4, n.8.

[30] R. Merlet and l’Abbé Clerval. Un manuscrit chartrain du XIe siècle, (Chartres, 1893), pp. 191–5.

[31]...quidam miles, Herbertus nomine, de Galardone castro...una cum consensu filiorum suorum, Hervei scilicet atque Fulcherii et unicæ filiæ, nomine Guiburgis....” CSP 223–4.

[32]....non longe a vico Bruerolis [Brezolles], cum assensu nobilissimi viri Alberti...una cum consensu domini sui Herberti.... Assensum etiam præbuit Hildeburgis, conjux ejusdem Herberti, necnon et filii eorum, Herveus videlicet atque Hugo....” CSP 132.

[33] See *13. Herveus I, below.

[34] The “Blessed Hildeburgis of Pontoise”, *24, below.

[35] [a note on the family namengut.]

[36] Philip’s confirmation of a donation to the church of St–Magloire of Paris, Prou 92, p. 237, done at Dreux.

[37] CSP, pp. 31, 42; CBV 9, etc., cf. *13. Herveus I, below.

[38] Herveus I died c. 1090 (according to Sidoisne) and was buried in the north side aisle at Bonneval, where his tomb—with its sculptured effigy of a knight in full chain–mail and conical helmet—survived to be drawn for Gaignières and at least until 1783 (CBV 9, n.4, citing “Hist. de l’abbaye de Bonneval, p. 228”: Métais, Dalles tumulaires d’Eure–et–Loir, I, pl. LVI; and his own article in the Bull. soc. dun., XVII, 1936, p. 300, on Dom J. Morenne, author of the Hist. Abregée de Bonneval). See also the miniature reproduction in J. Adhemar and G. Dordor, “Les tombeaux du collection Gaignières”, Gazette des Beaux Arts, LXXXIV, 1974, p. 20, no. 59: “Tombeau d’un comte de Dunois (?) à la abbaye de Bonneval. Tombeau du XIIe siècle”.

[39] Cf. *13. Beatrix, *14. Fulcher, *15. Guiburgis, *17. Hugo I, etc. below.

[40]...ecclesiam de Gualardone, sicut ab Alberto, ejusdem castri domino, fundata est, cum incrementis et donis quae Herveius, ejus filius, eidem ecclesiae contulit et his omnibus quae postea filii ejus Hugo, et Garinus addiderunt...”, from a Bull of Lucius II of 1144 (CBV 39 from B.N., coll. Baluze, vol. 38 fol. 14 [a 17thc. Copy] and H. 607, f. 111v [a 16thc. Partial copy]; noted in GC VIII, col. 1243; Jaffé 8566. Ed. J. Ramakers, Papsturkunden in Frankreich, n.f., vi, Orléanais, (Göttingen, 1958), pp. 110–112, no 52. This passage was repeated verbatim in a confirmation of Archdeacon Henry of Chartres, December, 1207 (CBV 130/H.609; published in part in MsChart, p. 193–4).

[41] The original confirmation of the church of Gallardon to Bonneval by Bishop Godfrey (III) in 1118 (H.1067 [original]; CBV 18; ed. GC viii, instr., c.315) mentions neither Albert nor Herveus, telling us only that the church was at that time in the hands of a certain layman named Guido [son of Herveus, later lord of Auneau]. The acta of Bishop Godfrey—one of the most important French bishops of the 12thc., have yet to be catalogued. An unpublished 1130 confirmation by Archbishop Henry of Sens, CBV 26) only concerns churches held by the abbey in the diocese of Sens and therefore does not mention Gallardon at all.

[42] Auneau: H.999/1, CBV 9. CT 8, 35; Oisème: CT 127, Luchaire, Louis VI, 604; Challet: AEL G.1174/1.